12 November 2006 at 8:21 pm
Taking a break from meetings about local government, I finally made it to not one but two political meetings this week. You know, the sort with speakers who talk not about minutiae, procedure and practicalities. The first of these was the visit of John McDonnell MP to Oxford Town Hall on Thursday night.
To set the scene: Oxford Town Hall is one of those gloriously impractical Victorian buildings - the type meant to cow the working class and remind them their place isn’t here. The McDonnell meeting was in the main council chamber with its nasty wooden pews, designed apparently with the worthy intention of being so uncomfortable as to limit the length of council meetings. The audience numbered about 45: my eye for party members who have been out on the knocker this year spotted about eight leaflet Labour, and the rest I assume were of the pamphlet persuasion. There were also at least two members of political parties opposed to Labour present, of which more later.
In a cunning plot to foil my scheme to hear McDonnell and scurry off into the night, the other speakers went first. My colleague Cllr John Tanner started, speaking of his commitment to McDonnell’s campaign. He was doing fine, until the sharp intake of breath from the assembly in response to the statement “Gordon Brown has been an excellent chancellor” - uncontroversial in most circles, apparently anathema in this. There were two other speakers before the main act - an inaudible student who had recently joined the party precisely to vote for John, and Emmie, our city Unison convenor and former Labour council candidate.
Finally we got to McDonnell’s own speech, which to this reasonably receptive listener, was quite impressive. For a start, his venom was not directed entirely at the current leadership of the Labour party, an occupational hazard for our firebrands of the left, but also at the Tories. Perhaps it’s an indictment of the left of the party that he should need to say, and I should be so glad to hear “No-one should doubt my loyalty to a Labour government. I remember what it was like before”, but none the less, he said it and I was glad. He outlined his policies, as on his leadership manifesto, and picking up the areas of disappointment: “I look back on the last nine years with a depth of anguish at the wasted opportunity … it’s almost like a tragedy for the Labour movement”. Thankfully spent a little time on domestic affairs as well as the adventures of foreign policy, promising the almost unimaginable: a non-means-tested increase in child benefit to all families equivalent to the cost of full-time childcare. Not the most efficient way to make childcare affordable, containing as it does that huge subsidy to some families who could contribute at least part of the cost, but still, a policy which, if implemented, would have a huge benefit to poor families.
He also talked about the need to rebuild the coalition of broad-based support for the party. He mentioned the component parts of the coalition he envisaged: public sector workers, peace campaigners and environmentalists. This made me cross: don’t get me wrong, I want all of those people on our side, but if that’s it, we never get to run another government again. Where are the lower-middle classes in that? Where are the poor and the unemployed in that coalition? Of course, he may have been cleverly playing to his audience of people who attend political meetings, and up his sleeve he may have the strategy to win back the disengaged and hold on to middle England: I hope so.
On he went, through the bloodbath of early September’s leadership crisis (not the Sopranos, or Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar, but Up Pompeii, apparently), to what happens in the first 24 hours of that socialist prime ministership: the breaking of the millitary alliance with Bush and the scrapping of Trident, and then he finished to a round of applause.
Having said that I was impressed by McDonnell himself, the questions and the audience were enough to drive anyone into the arms of another candidate. The chair was a guy with improbable facial hair from Witney CLP who clearly didn’t know the usual suspects placed in strategic positions in his line of sight, so we ended up with long minutes of tedious opinions and few focussed questions to John. Worse still, the chair thoughtfully picked two questioners who had no stake at all in the election, being ineligible to vote because of their membership of other parties opposed to Labour. McDonnell had said in his speech that at every meeting a member of the Socialist Party would ask “that’s all very well, John, but what happens when you fail?”. You would think that any listening member of the SP would be embarassed enough to keep quiet, but no, we were treated to his musings on the weaknesses of the Labour left at length. The chair also managed to call the deputy leader of the Green Group on the city council, who asked a pointless question about the internal party democracy of a party of which he is not a member.
Most of the other questions I heard (and I didn’t stay until the end) were of the variety: “John, I was sad you didn’t find time to talk about [insert pet issue] in your speech today. Could you tell us what you think about [pet issue]?” Needless to say, John was always eager to talk about [pet issue], and neatly promised their required policy changes. The Americans have a useful concept for this - being in bed with the special interests - and it seems by his enthusiasm for the concern of the questioner, he is just that, though I guess that’s better than snuggling down with the corporate special interests.
Anyway, John McDonnell’s eagerness to talk about party democracy and special interests meant that he only answered one of my two questions, the one on policies to end child poverty. The child poverty policies were fine if unimaginative and unspecific - focus on inequality, redistribute power and wealth, trade union rights are the way to a living wage, need to invest in council housing, oddly civil liberties and environmentalism were in there somewhere. However, not being a special interest, a representative of an entryist group, a representative of an opposition party, but merely a probably-Gordon- but-might-be-swayed-if-you’re-good and-by-the-way-I’ve-actually-got-a-vote voter, I was slightly disappointed that he didn’t answer my question about what the Labour government has done which he thinks is good, though to his credit he emailed me an answer the next day with profuse apologies (in short - gay stuff, devolution, Northern Ireland peace, minimum wage, foxhunting, but undermined by all the bad stuff).
So, where do I end up? Not convinced, to be honest, but then we’re still months off, and I hope to get to another meeting with him before the actual election. If I had one piece of advice to his campaign, it would be this: whatever you do, screen those people who have no stake in being at meetings about the Labour leadership out before the meeting, and have a chair with enough nous to call the right people. I might have voted for John, might still do so, but the other people that are supporting him really make me wonder whether I could. Too often the Labour left is accused of being disloyal, of collaborating with entryists and co-operating with those outside the party. It would be really useful not to confirm the prejudices of those who think that.